Days before his troops overthrew the regime of Bashar Assad, Ahmad al-Sharaa declared that Syria deserves a system in which no “single ruler makes arbitrary decisions.” Sharaa, once a feared jihadist and founder of al-Qaeda’s Syrian branch, now vows to abandon vengeance and lead Syria’s reconstruction with moderation and inclusivity.
But as interim president, he has seized control of every pillar of government, stacking sensitive posts with loyalists and family. This culminated in mid-March with the imposition of an interim constitution granting him executive, legislative and judicial authority for five years.
Despite hopes after Assad’s fall, Syria is not on a path to democracy, liberal or otherwise.
Sharaa has already begun replicating the old dictator’s habit of appointing relatives to power. Assad inherited Syria from his father, Hafez, and made his brother Maher head of the fourth division, while his brother-in-law became deputy defense minister. Sharaa also has a brother named Maher, whom he appointed interim Minister of Health, though he was later replaced when the second transitional Cabinet was approved on March 29.
Sharaa is also filling key military and intelligence posts with jihadi confidants. The new interior minister is Anas Khattab, a U.S.-designated terrorist and co-founder with Sharaa of al Qaeda’s Syrian branch. In the sworn-in government, Sharaa kept the defense, foreign affairs, interior and justice portfolios under the control of people connected (or formerly connected) to al Qaeda.
Militia leaders close to Sharaa have become governors or deputy governors in Syria’s most populous and economically vital cities. Favoritism toward loyalists is not new for Sharaa — it was central to his rule over the Idlib enclave before Assad’s fall. He effectively built an authoritarian regime in Idlib from 2017 onward. He may now be replicating that model on a national scale.
At first, Sharaa took no official title despite filling the government with allies. But in late January, he named himself interim president after a “Victory Conference” in Damascus, where 18 armed factions agreed to merge into a unified military under his command. The factions then formally selected him as interim president, though he had effectively held that role since Assad’s fall.
Sunni Islamist factions dominate this new military. Recruits reportedly undergo 21 days of Sharia training. Aleppo’s new police chief stated that officer training would last 10 days and include Islamic jurisprudence, the Prophet Mohammad’s biography, and codes of conduct. Sharaa has also promoted foreign jihadists from Jordan, Turkey and China’s Xinjiang region to top positions. Syrian journalist Ahmad Maher warned the army “may come to resemble a cult-like political system where loyalty to the ideology supersedes loyalty to the state.”
Despite this, Sharaa insists he will build “an inclusive transitional government that represents the diversity of Syria.” In February, he convened a National Dialogue Conference, pledging it would be “a platform for deliberations and consultations on our upcoming political program.” Yet it was hastily arranged, leaving key figures scrambling.
George Sabra, former president of the Qatar-based National Coalition of Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces, declined the invitation, citing the short notice. Major groups, especially the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces, were excluded under the pretext that “whoever does not lay down his arms … will have no role in the national dialogue.” In other words, participation required submission — something Sharaa himself never gave.
The conference ended with 18 recommendations on transitional justice, constitutional reform, freedoms, the economy and civil society. It also called for creating a committee to draft a new constitution, balance powers and build a state rooted in the rule of law. These were critical steps— in theory. But the recommendations were non-binding, giving Syria’s new leaders license to ignore them.
Nevertheless, Sharaa quickly appointed all members of the committee that drafted the “constitutional declaration” he unveiled in mid-March. The declaration grants sweeping executive powers to the president for five years. Though it claims to establish “a political system based on separation of powers,” it allows the president to appoint lawmakers and top judges. Oversight is virtually nonexistent. “There is virtually no oversight of the president’s actions,” said constitutional committee member Ray’an Keheilan.
If this trajectory continues, Syria risks becoming an even more entrenched authoritarian regime — one that serves neither its people nor regional stability. And instability in Syria could attract foreign meddling, particularly from Tehran and Moscow.
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has emphasized that “credible, non-sectarian governance is the best path to avoid further conflict.” Yet Sharaa, still on the U.S. terrorism blacklist, has concentrated power in his hands and those of Sunni Islamists who fought beside him. That is no foundation for real inclusivity.
The best way to prevent Syria from sliding into a new dictatorship is for Washington and its allies to demand checks and balances as a condition for deeper engagement. For the U.S., restoring diplomatic ties and sending an ambassador to Damascus should depend on tangible progress toward representative government. That remains the most viable hope for guiding Syria toward recovery — and away from renewed civil war.
Ahmad Sharawi is a research analyst at The Foundation for Defense of Democracies, focusing on Middle East affairs and the Levant.
