“Bienvenue, cher Friedrich!” smiled Emmanuel Macron as he welcomed the German chancellor to his summer residence at the Chateau de Bregancon on Thursday evening. A firm handshake, a hearty hug, and even a bouquet of flowers for Brigitte Macron followed, all designed to show the world how well this Franco-German duo is getting along.
“It is an exceptional honor to be here, and above all a proof of the friendship that unites us between France and Germany, but also between the two of us,” Merz replied in impressively fluent French.
The warmth seemed genuine. But can good vibes really bridge the deep rifts between their two countries? At this 25th Franco-German joint cabinet meeting in Toulon, everyone seemed determined to turn the page on the notoriously frosty years of former Chancellor Scholz and Macron.
The setting certainly helped: pine trees swaying in the sea breeze, warm temperatures, local wine, and a Thursday night dinner that set the tone before ministers joined the party the next day at the beautiful Chateau du Cap Brun.
Many problems to discuss
The need to turn frosty into friendly couldn’t be more urgent. Europe faces massive challenges where a functioning Franco-German motor is essential: the war in Ukraine, tricky trade talks with the US, and tough bilateral disagreements on defense, energy, and the very future of Europe.
Stefan Seidendorf, Managing Director at the Franco-German Institute (DFI), is convinced that the political will for change is now evident on both sides of the Rhine:
“Merz has understood that groundbreaking decisions must be made about the future course of German and European policy,” he said in an interview with DW. “Things are no longer running on autopilot under the transatlantic security umbrella and predictable world trade. These foundations are now all up for debate.”
Europe’s new strategic autonomy
Security and defence topped the agenda. In theory, Macron and Merz agree Europe must invest more in its own protection while reducing dependence on Washington. Their joint statement promised to “ramp up our defence capabilities to strengthen the European pillar of NATO.”
“Strategic autonomy” was the buzzword, repeated again and again as ministers gazed out over Toulon Bay, home to France’s principal naval base and the largest in the Mediterranean. But what should this strategic autonomy look like?
Disagreements traditionally remained over nuclear deterrance, to give one example. In the past, Macron kept pushing for France’s nuclear arsenal as a European deterrent. Germany, which doesn’t have its own nuclear weapons, has long relied on the US for military support and insisted that NATO remains central. Now, the two countries want to launch a ‘strategic dialogue’ on the topic, finding potential compromises.
Both countries agree that “France’s independent strategic nuclear forces make a significant contribution to the overall security of the Alliance.”
Common military projects
Over a working lunch of gazpacho, roasted sea bass, and Champagne (though Berlin’s press office hastened to note water was the preferred beverage), leaders hashed out how to make joint defence projects more efficient.
France and Germany remain committed to the ‘Main Ground Combat System’ (MGCS) and the ‘Future Combat Air System’ (FCAS), they announced. The two flagship projects aim to deliver a new battle tank to replace the former French and German models, as well as a cutting-edge fighter jet by 2040. But potential for clashes remains.
France wants intellectual and industrial leadership over the FCAS project, with its companies arguing that they have more expertise in the field. Berlin wants a more balanced distribution of work and technology.
Seidendorf noted that reservations remain, such as concerns over ensuring sensitive know-how doesn’t end up in China. “Overcoming these reservations and building mutual trust requires not just political will, but also the right political structures,” he explained.
Bridging the energy divide
Substantial progress was made on energy policy, with Germany and France resolving their long-standing dispute over nuclear power. No small feat given how far apart their strategies are.
France, which generates around two-thirds of its electricity from nuclear, is expanding capacity and has been pushing for the sector to be labelled “green” at EU level, making it eligible for subsidies. Germany, by contrast, shut down its last nuclear plants in 2023 after years of reliance on Russian gas, betting instead on imports and renewables, and had long blocked Paris’s plans, especially under its former coalition with the Greens.
Under a new framework agreement reached in Toulon, however, both countries pledged to stop obstructing each other’s energy choices and instead support each another: Berlin will drop its opposition to nuclear’s inclusion in EU legislation, while Paris will back German priorities such as hydrogen infrastructure with southern Europe and greater integration of the Franco-German electricity grids.
Another elephant in the beautiful rooms of the Cap Brun Castle was the planned Mercosur trade agreement between Europe and South America. France is pushing for stronger protections for its farmers, while Germany is eager to avoid reopening negotiations. Berlin wants the deal ratified swiftly, seeing it as a potential boost for its powerful export industry.
The bromance continues
At the end of the day, Merz and Macron appeared again in full mutual supportive swing during their joint press conference, underlining the need to push for a new economic boost in Europe, cutting red tape and liberalising the labour market.
The war in Ukraine was another topic that could not be ignored during the conference, visibly decreasing the warm atmosphere in the room. “Despite intensive international diplomatic efforts, Russia shows no intention to end its war of aggression against Ukraine,” the two agreed. They pledged to further support for Ukraine’s air defence and agreed on the need to provide Ukraine with credible security guarantees but steered clear of the possibility of sending troops themselves.
At the end of the day, it is clear that the “Merzcron” duo is a far cry from the cold mutual suspicion between Scholz and the French President. But all the hugging and backslapping can’t erase the fact that Paris and Berlin still have fundamentally different national interests.
And all of these carefully crafted agreements are now overshadowed by uncertainty back in Paris. Macron is facing a political crisis at home, with a looming no-confidence votethat could topple his government. The prospect raises questions over how much weight the commitments made in Toulon will actually carry if France itself slides into domestic turmoil.
Edited by: Andreas Illmer
