First came the sound of a police siren, then a megaphone announcement: “Dear lecturers, we hereby inform you that the blockade of the Faculty of Philosophy is about to begin.”
This is how the wave of student blockades at the University of Novi Sad in Serbia began on November 2 last year.
Olga Pantic, a first-year Communications student, was on shift at the university cafeteria at the time. She left work and joined her fellow students when the announcement came. Since then, the faculty has become her home: She eats, sleeps and lives there.
“I’ve got so used to it that I actually feel more comfortable here than at home,” she told DW. “Everything revolves around the blockade. It’s like a job, especially before major protests.”
Right from the word go, the students were absolutely clear about their demands, which included that there must be political and criminal accountability for the collapse of the canopy at the entrance to Novi Sad railway station last November, which killed 15 people and seriously injured two others.
How the blockades spread within the university
The students subsequently opened their doors to students from other faculties who wanted to learn how to start their own blockades.
“We often let them use our amphitheater and classrooms for meetings and to plan how to start their own blockades, how to organize their plenary assemblies. Some faculties even held their first assemblies at our faculty,” recalls student Tatjana Rasic.
Within weeks, almost the entire university had ground to a halt.
Like a well-oiled machine
And so, students who had once struggled to get to morning lectures on time and meet essay deadlines are now working together like a well-oiled machine.
Decisions are made on the basis of direct democracy at plenary assemblies, and there are dedicated teams for a wide variety of tasks, including logistics, PR and the provision of hygiene supplies.
Olga Pantic is her faculty’s representative on the university’s student security team. This team manages protests, stops traffic, guides protest marches and ensures that everything remains peaceful.
“We have coordinators and delegates. Each coordinator has a walkie-talkie to communicate, and they tell the delegates what to do, when to move, when to stop. We are all synchronized and listen to each other,” she told DW.
Security and safety are a priority
Following multiple physical attacks on demonstrators, the security team formed a special unit known as “the Beavers.”
“The Beavers wear motorcycle gear and helmets to protect them in case they are hit by a car. Physically, they are the strongest of the students and the first to run in front of vehicles if needs be.”
Each faculty has its own security team, which monitors who enters and leaves the building. Engineering students developed an app to keep track of participants and stop uninvited guests.
“These [uninvited guests] are people who have caused problems, whether by insulting others, spying on us or leaking information from plenary assemblies. We coordinate this across the entire university: If someone is blacklisted at one faculty, they cannot enter other faculties either,” explained Pantic.
‘A harder but fairer path’
The students are very proud of the fact that plenary assemblies are open to anyone who wants to participate and that all the movement’s decisions are made there.
“Every decision affecting the blockade community is made on the spot by a majority vote. This is the only legitimate way for our community to operate,” says student Nemanja Curcic.
Sometimes, these assemblies are attended by hundreds of students. Debates can last for hours, as everyone has the right to speak and contribute.
“It can be exhausting,” Curcic told DW, “but we students don’t believe in representative democracy. We’ve seen its flaws: When individuals represent us, there’s always room for corruption and personal agendas. We don’t want that. We chose a harder but fairer and more just path.”
What next for the protest movement?
Global pop star Madonna posted on Instagram that Serbia is witnessing the largest student protest since 1968. Some analysts agree.
The movement has triggered protests in almost every municipality in Serbia, been joined by teachers, lawyers, medical professionals, and many in the IT sector and has led to the resignation of Serbian Prime Minister Milos Vucevic and Mayor of Novi Sad Milan Djuric.
But where does it go from here?
“They are the most legitimate political force in the country right now,” says Ognjen Radonjic, a professor at the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade. “If they were to propose and take part in the creation of a political platform — whatever form it might take — it would be the only platform with a real chance of success.”
Distrust and caution
For now, however, the students remain highly distrustful of members of all opposition entities in Serbia — from activist groups and NGOs to political parties. They also reject proposals such as the formation of a transitional government to ensure institutional stability and fair election conditions.
“I don’t think anything should be imposed on them at this moment,” Radonjic told DW. “I believe they will mature into it over time. We must let them be. They fear external influences and infiltration, and they display some closed-off tendencies, but that is understandable given everything they have been through.”
Radonjic emphasizes that the movement’s structure is its greatest protection. “The government has been trying to infiltrate them from the beginning, but as long as they make decisions collectively, those infiltrators have no influence. Additionally, they have no leaders, so the government has no one to bribe or publicly discredit.”
However, possible ways to end the crisis are already being discussed at plenary assemblies, and students are carefully evaluating all publicly proposed models.
“We are fully aware of our power in society right now. That’s why we are carefully considering every step, every public statement and every issue we bring to the table,” explains Tatjana Rasic.
Above all, the students expect their demands to be met because without that, they say, there can be no hope for justice in Serbia.
Edited by: Aingeal Flanagan
