Democracy is in retreat. Across continents, long-standing institutions are crumbling, civic freedoms are under siege, and autocrats are rewriting the rules of engagement. In country after country, from Hungary to Myanmar, the United Staes to Sudan leaders are dismantling democratic norms with alarming ease. The promise of the 1990s, when liberal democracy seemed poised for global triumph has given way to a darker era of democratic backsliding and authoritarianism.
The global order that once promised mutual accountability is faltering. Russia’s war on Ukraine rages without resolution. Israel’s ongoing assault on Gaza has claimed tens of thousands of lives. Even stable democracies have veered into illiberalism. Last year, South Korea’s president briefly declared martial law but was forced to rescind the declaration several hours later in response to widespread protests. These moments expose not just individual failures, but the systemic fragility of modern democratic institutions.
The rise of strongmen is not incidental. In the United Staes, Donald Trump’s political resurgence comes with open contempt for judicial independence and media scrutiny. In Hungary, Prime Minister, Viktor Orbán has methodically weakened checks and balances and muzzled dissent. From Ethiopia to the Sahel, the erosion of democracy has been punctuated by coups, manipulated elections, and a deliberate hollowing-out of public trust.
Nowhere is this more visible than in parts of Africa. In the last four years Sudan, Gabon, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger have all experienced some upheaval and, in some cases, military takeovers – many greeted not with outrage but with popular support. What’s more, the latter three countries, which remain under military rule have withdrawn from the regional body, Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and formed what they call the Alliance of Sahelian States. This is not an endorsement of authoritarianism. Rather, it is a rejection of democracies that have failed to deliver dignity, livelihoods, or justice.
Data tells a more nuanced story. Afrobarometer’s 2024 survey found that two-thirds of Africans still believe in democracy. In Kenya, the number of citizens who support democracy as the best system of governance jumps to 74%. Yet, youths in the country feel that the government is failing to deliver on health, a rising cost of living, jobs and education. What people crave is not just procedure, but substance. They want participatory governance that is accountable, transparent, rooted in justice and that delivers public goods.
Reimagining democracy begins with listening. Citizens have valid grievances; to ignore them is to strengthen the hand of demagogues. Empty elections and captured parliaments do not inspire loyalty they breed disillusionment. Criticism of the democratic model should not be equated with hostility toward it.
Reform must be bold: new institutional forms—like Somaliland’s hybrid model show how traditional kinship authority can be integrated into civic governance. This novel approach at the time helped to build legitimacy and trust in governance while paving the way for the delivery of public goods. In Senegal, one of the most established democracies in West Africa, a culture of dialogue has been firmly rooted since the 1960s and is still used today to prevent and resolve political crises.
Technology is a double-edged sword. Autocrats use it for surveillance, censorship, and deception. But activists—from Nairobi to Istanbul—have also used digital tools to mobilise, expose abuses, and reclaim civic space. For example, the Ushahidi online platform in Kenya deploys technology to crowdsource data in support of crisis relief, disaster management, human rights, transparency and accountability. Such innovations are particularly impactful in the devolution of information and improving governance. The question is not whether technology matters, but whether we can harness it to advance democratic renewal.
Multilateral institutions must also evolve. The African Union and the United Nations cannot remain passive as democratic norms decay. Their legitimacy depends on defending the will of the people—not the impunity of elites. Reform here is not optional. It is existential.
This is the fight of our time. Democracy is not just a system—it is a struggle. And the global majority, mostly young and overwhelmingly based in the Global South, must lead that struggle. We have the numbers, the urgency, and the moral clarity. What we now need is the will.
* Ichumile Gqada is a development practitioner with over a decade of experience driving civic engagement and working on advancing democracy in Africa.
