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Home World News Asia

Leftists’ excesses are turning more South Koreans conservative

February 11, 2025
in Asia
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As US President Donald Trump continues with his “America First” policy, South Korea finds itself mired in political turmoil. The impeachment process against South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol is creating dangerous political instability and disrupting the balance of power in the region.

This crisis bears an alarming resemblance to the 2016 impeachment of President Park Geun-hye. In both cases, the ruling conservative People Power Party turned against its own president, allowing the impeachment motion to pass in the National Assembly.

Legacy media played a key role in shaping public perception, fabricating and manipulating news to mislead the public. The Constitutional Court, widely criticized as a “kangaroo court,” violated due process by expediting proceedings – holding four trial sessions per week in President Park’s case and two per week for President Yoon.

Additionally, suspicions have arisen that Chinese nationals, disguised as Koreans, participated in pro-impeachment rallies. These concerns were reinforced when the Chinese embassy publicly forbade its citizens from joining Korean political protests.

A shift in political dynamics

Despite similarities, key differences exist between the 2016 and current anti-impeachment movements. In 2016, the anti-impeachment protests were disorganized and rudimentary. Protesters, mostly in their 50s and 60s, wore hiking gear and waved Korean and US flags to express their pro-democracy stance.

At the time, pro-impeachment leftists, primarily in their 30s and 40s, ridiculed them as outdated and incapable of sound judgment. Rhyu Si-min, a radical leftist and former minister of health and welfare under the Roh Moo-hyun administration, famously remarked – at age 45 – that Koreans’ cognitive abilities begin to decline after 60.

Now, however, the political landscape has shifted. A significant majority of Koreans aged 18–30 and 60–70 lean conservative, leaving leftists in their 40s and 50s increasingly isolated. Ironically, former Minister Rhyu, now 65, recently contradicted his earlier claim by dismissing young conservative men in their 20s and 30s as “garbage.”

Korean women, traditionally left-leaning, have also gravitated toward conservatism. The conservative mothers’ online community “Right Terrace” has grown to 8,500 members. Initially recognized for providing heated buses for rally participants during winter protests, the group has since expanded its efforts to support various conservative causes.

The awakening of South Korea’s conservative movement

What has changed? Conversations with conservatives reveal several key motivations driving their activism:

  1. Media distrust – During the 2016 impeachment crisis, they knew legacy media were biased but never imagined they would actively fabricate news.
  2. New media platforms – In 2016, YouTube was not a significant news source, and most people relied on traditional media. Today, alternative media play a critical role.
  3. Economic decline under Moon Jae-in – The previous administration’s policies severely impacted the economy, leading many to reevaluate their political stance.
  4. A determination to resist – Having experienced one impeachment based on fabricated news, they refuse to be deceived again. Many believe that if this impeachment succeeds, South Korea’s democracy will be at risk.

In this way, South Koreans are taking true ownership of their democracy. Since its liberation in 1948, South Korea has had the outward structure of liberal democracy but lacked its soul.

Now, the people are actively shaping their nation in line with their own history, traditions, and values. They are fighting for their freedom – a necessary struggle, as freedom cannot simply be granted or imposed. A functioning democracy must be owned by its people, and South Koreans are demonstrating this principle in action.

Global ramifications

On the international front, today’s crisis differs from that of 2016. At that time, the US still believed China could be integrated into the existing world order for peaceful coexistence. However, the US has since abandoned its engagement policy, now viewing China as a direct competitor.

What are the global ramifications? If today’s America Firsters pursue isolationism the way their post-World War I predecessors did, it could destabilize the region and trigger a domino effect.

In 1921, the US formulated the Washington Treaty System to contain Japanese expansion and prevent encroachment on China. However, lacking the will to enforce it, the US failed to act when Japan seized Manchuria in 1931, believing intervention was not in its interest. This passive stance effectively gave Japan free rein in Asia.

Today, as the US prioritizes its own interests, China has steadily expanded its influence over South Korea – gradually, patiently and covertly.

Two key events illustrate this trend:

  1. The Northeast project (2002–2007) – The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences attempted to rewrite history by claiming that the ancient Korean kingdom of Goguryeo was part of China.
  2. The establishment of Confucius Institutes (2004–present) – South Korea was the first country to host a Confucius Institute, a Chinese government-backed institution used to exert soft power and ideological influence.

With US support, South Korea has become a regional powerhouse. Yet, it remains vulnerable. If the US fails to stand firmly behind South Korea’s democracy, China will inevitably fill the vacuum.

Given China’s geographic proximity, economic strength and military rise and the growing Chinese population in South Korea, the threat is clear and immediate.

The fight for democracy in East Asia

In 1950, the US formulated National Security Council Document 68 (NSC-68), marking a radical shift in policy. It declared that the global struggle was “momentous, involving the fulfillment or destruction not only of this Republic but of civilization itself” and set a goal “to defeat local Soviet moves with local action.”

Today, South Korea stands as the frontline defense against totalitarianism.

In a 2017 article for Asia Times, I argued that the highest levels of conspiracy behind President Park’s impeachment were part of a larger subversion attempt by totalitarian forces.

The current crisis suggests that history may be repeating itself – but this time South Koreans are more aware, more engaged and more determined to resist. The international community must recognize that South Korea’s struggle is not just a domestic issue – it is a battle for the future of democracy in East Asia.

If the free world fails to act, it risks allowing authoritarian forces to gain further ground, threatening the stability of the entire region. Now is the time for firm support and unwavering commitment to South Korea’s democracy.

Hanjin Lew is a political commentator specializing in East Asian affairs and a former international spokesman for South Korean conservative parties.

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