Elon Musk has emerged as one of the most influential and controversial powerbrokers in the new Trump administration. He spent at least US$277 million of his own money to help Donald Trump win re-election, campaigning alongside him around the country.
This significant investment of time and money raises the question of what the world’s wealthiest person hopes to receive in return. Critics have wondered whether Musk’s support for Trump is just a straightforward commercial transaction, with Musk expecting to receive political favors.
Or does it reflect Musk’s own genuinely held political views, and perhaps personal political ambition?
From left to alt-right
Decoding Musk’s political views and tracking how they have changed over time is a complex exercise. He’s hard to pin down, largely by design.
Musk’s current X feed, for example, is a bewildering mix of far-right conspiracy theories about immigration, clips of neoliberal economist Milton Friedman warning about the dangers of inflation, and advertisements for Tesla.
Historically, Musk professes to have been a left-libertarian. He says he voted for Barack Obama in 2008 and 2012, Hillary Clinton in 2016 and Joe Biden in 2020.
Musk claims that over time, the Democratic party has moved further to the left, leaving him feeling closer politically to the Republican party.
Key to Musk’s political shift, at least by his own account, is his estrangement from his transgender daughter, Vivian Jenna Wilson. After Vivian’s transition, Musk claimed she was “dead, killed by the woke mind virus.” She is very much alive.
He’s since repeatedly signaled his opposition to transgender rights and gender-affirming care, and diversity, equity and inclusion policies more broadly.
However, if the mere existence of a trans person in his family was enough to cause a political meltdown, Musk was clearly already on a trajectory toward far-right politics.
Rather than responding to a shift in the Democratic Party, it makes more sense to understand Musk’s changing politics as part of a much broader recent phenomenon known as as “the libertarian to alt-right pipeline.”
The political science, explained
Libertarianism has historically tended to be divided between left-wing and right-wing forms.
Left libertarians support economic policies of limited government, such as cutting taxes and social spending, and deregulation more broadly. This is combined with progressive social policies, such as marriage equality and drug decriminalization.
By contrast, right-libertarians support the same set of economic policies but hold conservative social views, such as opposing abortion rights and celebrating patriotism. Historically, the Libertarian Party in the United States adopted an awkward middle ground between the two poles.
The past decade, though, has seen the Libertarian Party, and libertarianism more generally, move strongly to the right. In particular, many libertarians have played leading roles in the alt-right movement.
The alt-right or “alternative right” refers to the recent resurgence of far-right political movements opposing multiculturalism, gender equality and diversity, and supporting white nationalism.
The alt-right is a very online movement, with its leading activists renowned for internet trolling and “edgelording” – that is, the posting of controversial and confronting content to deliberately stoke controversy and attract attention.
Though some libertarians have resisted the pull of the alt-right, many have been swept along the pipeline, including prominent leaders in the movement.
Musk Nazi salutes
While this discussion of theory may seem abstract, it helps to understand what Musk’s values are (beneath the chaotic tweets and Nazi salutes).
In economic terms, Musk remains a limited-government libertarian. He advocates cutting government spending, reducing taxes and repealing regulation – especially regulations that put limits on his businesses.
His formal role in the Trump administration as head of the “Department of Government Efficiency”, also known as DOGE, is targeted at these goals. Musk has suggested that in cutting government spending, he will particularly target diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) initiatives. This is the alt-right influence on display.
Alt-right sensibilities are most evident, however, in Musk’s online persona. On X, Musk has deliberately stoked controversy by boosting and engaging with white nationalists and racist conspiracy theories.
For example, he has favorably engaged with far-right politicians advocating for the antisemitic “Great Replacement theory.” This theory claims Jews are encouraging mass migration to the global north as part of a deliberate plot to eliminate the white race.
More recently, Musk has endorsed the far-right in Germany. He’s also shared videos from known white supremacists outlining the racist “Muslim grooming gangs” conspiracy theory in the United Kingdom.
Whether Musk actually believes these outlandish racist conspiracy theories is, in many ways, irrelevant.
Rather, Musk’s public statements are better understood as reflecting philosopher Harry Frankfurt’s famous definition of “bullshit.” For Frankfurt, “bullshit” refers to statements made to impress or provoke in which the speaker is simply not concerned with whether the statement is actually true.
Much of Musk’s online persona is part of a deliberate alt-right populist strategy to stoke controversy, upset “the left”, and then claim to be a persecuted victim when criticised.
Theory vs practice
Though Musk’s public statements might fit nicely into contemporary libertarianism, there are always contradictions when putting ideology into practice.
For example, despite Musk’s oft-stated preference for limited government, it’s well documented that his companies have received extensive subsidies and support from various governments.
Musk will expect this special treatment to continue under a quintessentially transactional president such as Trump.
The vexed issue of immigration also presents some contradictions.
Across the campaign, both Musk and Trump repeatedly criticized immigration to the US. Reprising the themes of the far-right Great Replacement theory, Musk claimed illegal immigration was a deliberate plot by Democrats to “replace” the existing electorate with “compliant illegals”.
However, after the election Musk has argued Trump should preserve categories of skilled migration such as the H1-B visas. This angered more explicit white supremacists, such as Trump advisor Laura Loomer.
Musk’s motives in arguing for the visas are not humanitarian. H1-B visas allow temporary workers to enter the country for up to six years, making them entirely dependent on the sponsoring company. It’s a situation some have called “indentured servitude.”
These visas have been used heavily in the technology sector, including in companies owned by both Musk and Trump.
An unsteady alliance
So what might we expect from Musk now that he has both political office and influence?
Musk’s stated aim of using DOGE to cut $2 trillion from the US budget would represent an unprecedented transformation of government. It also seems highly unlikely.
Instead, expect Musk to focus on creating controversy by cutting DEI initiatives and other politically sensitive programs, such as support for women’s reproductive rights.
Musk will clearly use his political influence to look after the interests of his companies. Shares in Tesla surged to record highs following Trump’s re-election, suggesting investors believe Musk will be a major financial beneficiary of the second Trump administration.
Finally, Musk will undoubtedly use his new position to remain in the public eye. This last part might lead Musk into conflict with another expert in shaping the media cycle – Trump himself.
Musk has already reportedly fallen out with Vivek Ramaswamy, who will now no longer co-lead DOGE with Musk.
Exactly how stable the alliance between Trump and Musk is, and whether the egos and interests of the two billionaires can continue to coexist, remains to be seen.
If the alliance persists, it will be a key factor in shaping what many are terming the emergence of a “new gilded age” of political corruption and soaring inequality.
Henry Maher is lecturer in politics, Department of Government and International Relations, University of Sydney
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
