Bangladesh has a legacy of religious harmony woven into its social fabric; however, communal tensions continue to arise, impacting both politics and public perception. These tensions are often fueled by political agendas. Rather than addressing the challenges faced by Hindus in Bangladesh, political parties, particularly the Awami League (AL), have a history of politicizing the struggles of the minority community.
Following Hasina’s fall on August 5, the AL resumed its strategy of politicizing communal issues, further increasing mistrust between Hindu and Muslim communities in Bangladesh. The AL has increasingly used Hindu communities as a political tool, blurring the lines between religious and political identity. This has created long-term risks for Hindus.
After Hasina fled to India, members of the AL in Bangladesh faced backlash for actions linked to the persecution of students to suppress dissent. Both Hindu and Muslim AL leaders came under scrutiny and even attack; the conflict was not merely communal but also political. Between August 5 and 20, a total of 1,068 houses and businesses belonging to minorities were attacked, with at least 506 of the affected owners having ties to Awami League politics, Prothom Alo reported.
Even groups that are supposed to represent the interest of Bangladesh’s Hindu population have been politicized. The leaders of the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council, a prominent minority advocacy group, continue to advocate the AL’s agenda for their own personal socioeconomic advantage, overlooking the broader interests of the community. On social media, some leaders of the Unity Council were accused of being beneficiaries of Hasina’s regime, with critics raising questions about its impartiality.
During the protests leading to Hasina’s fall, demonstrators ironically chanted, “Who are you and who am I? Razakar, Razakar!” to counter Hasina’s derogatory accusation that protesters were the descendants of “Razakars,” referring to Bangladeshis who fought for the Pakistan Army against the creation of an independent Bangladesh. The Unity Council released statements calling for the punishment of protesters, echoing AL rhetoric and further alienating demonstrators. Recently, the Unity Council claimed that nine Hindus were killed under the post-Hasina administration, a claim proven false by an investigative report from Netra News. This undermined the credibility of the group.
Meanwhile India’s Hindutva-aligned Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and certain media outlets have pushed their own agendas regarding minority issues in Bangladesh. According to reports from Al Jazeera on August 8, Anadolu Ajans on August 10, the BBC on August 18, and Prothom Alo on August 29, Indian media spread misinformation and disinformation regarding attacks on minorities in Bangladesh, Some India-based social media accounts also fueled disinformation.
Yet, in 2021, during Hasina’s rule, India remained notably quiet when communal violence erupted in Bangladesh and 117 Hindu temples were reportedly attacked across 27 districts. In contrast, in 2024, when Durga Puja celebrations proceeded safely across 31,461 pavilions in Bangladesh, India’s foreign ministry still found fault with the interim government over minor issues. During these events, an incident involving a Hindu girl who was harassed was viewed by India’s foreign ministry as a failure of the entire festival. These disparate responses highlight how India politicizes Bangladesh’s minority issues rather than addressing them on genuine grounds.
The notion that Hindus were protected during Sheikh Hasina’s tenure is a false narrative. Hasina largely courted the Hindu vote due to the AL’s proclaimed pro-secular stance and its alliance with India. Despite this strategy, the AL did not take effective action to protect Hindu and other minority communities from periodic violence and communal attacks. According to Gobinda Chandra Pramanik, secretary general of the Bangladesh Jatiya Hindu Mohajote, the Hindu community has been held “hostage” by the Awami League since 1955.
Under the Hasina administration, two major incidents of communal violence occurred: one targeting the Buddhist community in 2012 and another against the Hindu community in 2021. These incidents remain unresolved, with no justice for the victims. Even after more than 10 years under the Hasina administration, all the cases related to the 2012 communal attacks against Buddhists in Ramu, despite substantial evidence, are still at trial, with all of the accused out on bail.
According to Ain o Salish Kendra, a prominent Bangladeshi human rights group, 3,679 attacks on the Hindu community were reported to have taken place between January 2013 and September 2021, during the Hasina regime. Yet these attacks saw a limited administrative response; the government merely blamed opposition parties without taking substantive action.
According to local media reports, AL members were allegedly involved in some attacks on Hindu and Buddhist temples and properties, particularly in the 2016 Nasirnagar attack on Hindus. This further raises questions about the party’s commitment to minority rights.
Benazir Ahmed, a former chief of the Rapid Action Battalion and inspector general of the Bangladesh Police and a key figure in the Hasina regime, was reported to have forced Hindus to sell their land at comparatively lower prices to build a personal resort. These accusations suggest AL members also perpetrated attacks on minorities and seizures of their properties.
Elite Hindus in Bangladesh often take pro-AL and pro-India positions for socioeconomic advantage, yet most Hindus in Bangladesh are not politically involved. They, like their compatriots of all religions, are focused instead on demanding peace, safety, and dignity from the state. In my conversations with over 50 Hindus across various districts earlier this month, a clear sentiment emerged: They prioritize security and equality over political affiliations.
The Hindu community also contributed significantly to the Monsoon Revolution, with at least nine Hindu Bangladeshis losing their lives in the protests. Several Hindu figures played essential roles in the movement; for example, Debashish Chakrabarty’s digital posters became symbols of the revolution and were widely circulated online.
Yet, elite Hindus continue to mislead and politicize the rights, agendas, and contributions of the Hindu community.
After India provided shelter to Hasina, many revolutionaries became vocal critics of India, and an increase in border killings by India’s Border Security Force (BSF) – already a serious problem under Hasina – further fueled their anger. Following the revolution, two Hindu citizens, 16-year-old Swarna Das and 15-year-old Joyonto Kumar Singha, were killed by the BSF.
On social media, many people questioned why Hindu community leaders remained silent on the killing of two Hindus at the border, despite their previous activism against communal violence during the August 5-8 period of statelessness. The response from elite Hindus was to double down on support for India. Chinmaykrishna Das Brahmachari, president of ISKCON Chittagong Pundarik Dham, commented on the deaths of two Hindus at the border, labeling the public protests against these killings as “Maya Kanna” (crocodile tears) and criticizing the chanting of slogans against India.
ISKCON, the International Society for Krishna Consciousness, is known for its social work in Bangladesh, but a recent incident in Chittagong has led to misinterpretations about the group. In Chittagong, after a businessman posted critical comments about ISKCON on social media, Hindu society members allegedly assaulted him and vandalized his property. When police intervened, some attackers reportedly assaulted law enforcement officers and even used acid in their attacks. Amid these tensions, certain AL members seem to be provoking ISKCON, potentially inciting communal violence that could destabilize the interim government.
After assuming power, Muhammad Yunus, chief adviser of the interim government of Bangladesh, visited the historic Dhakeshwari Temple in Dhaka, where he assured Bangladesh’s minorities of their safety and security in the country. He stated, “Rights are equal for everyone. We are all one people with equal rights in Bangladesh.”
The Yunus government has responded to long-standing demands from the Hindu community, including by declaring a two-day public holiday for Durga Puja. Those involved are continuing efforts to address the Hindu community’s demands. However, the Yunus administration continues to face political provocations, largely from disgruntled former AL members.
Amid these tensions, Hindu community leaders have announced a long march to Dhaka to make specific demands. The Yunus government has offered to discuss these concerns; Syeda Rizwana Hasan, the government’s adviser on the environment, forests, and climate change, stated that the government’s door is always open for dialogue and discussion regarding the Hindu community’s demands. Yet the community leaders have shown little interest in engaging.
These incidents suggest that elite Hindu leaders may prefer not to work openly with any government other than the AL, despite the current administration’s genuine efforts. Such dynamics have increased mistrust between Hindu and Muslim citizens, impacting the security and well-being of the Hindu community.
Bangladesh’s journey toward an inclusive society requires moving beyond the instrumentalization of religious identities. The nation’s Hindu community should be embraced as an integral part of its multicultural fabric rather than as a political tool. Only by fostering genuine trust between Hindu and Muslim communities can Bangladesh hope to break the cycle of suspicion and scapegoating.
