Democrats want you to know that President Donald Trump definitely might be protecting a cabal of child abusers. Or so the party’s recent messaging suggests.
For years, extremely online conservatives have been agitating for the release of the “Epstein Files” — a hypothetical trove of confidential documents that reveal the powerful co-conspirators of Jeffrey Epstein, the financier and accused sex trafficker who died in prison in 2019. When Fox News asked Trump last year whether he would release these files upon winning reelection, the Republican said, “I guess I would.”
Upon taking office, the Trump administration hyped the imminent disclosure of these documents. Attorney General Pam Bondi suggested in February that a list of famous people who had abused Epstein’s trafficked girls was “sitting on my desk right now to review.” Around the same time, Bondi and Trump’s FBI released what it billed as the “first phase of declassified Epstein files.” But these proved to be binders comprised largely of already public information.
Then, earlier this month, the Justice Department declared that Epstein did not actually maintain a “client list,” that he had died by suicide (contrary to the popular theory that he’d been murdered to prevent the exposure of his clients), and that no further files on his case would be made public. This incensed much of the online right. And Democrats have decided to echo its outrage.
Sen. Ruben Gallego (R-AZ) has accused Trump of “hiding the Epstein list.” The Democratic National Committee launched an X account that posted, “Has Trump released the Epstein files? No,” on a daily basis, while House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries has declared that Americans “deserve to know the truth.” House Democrats tried to force a vote compelling the release of all Epstein-related documents on Tuesday.
This story was first featured in The Rebuild.
Sign up here for more stories on the lessons liberals should take away from their election defeat — and a closer look at where they should go next. From senior correspondent Eric Levitz.
The party’s decision to dedicate so much energy to promoting this controversy might seem dubious. For one thing, Democrats’ ostensible outrage over the alleged suppression of the Epstein Files is obviously hypocritical. After all, he died six years ago. A Democratic administration was in power from January 2021 through January 20 of this year. If there are secret federal documents about this case that incriminate public figures, then Joe Biden had them at his disposal.
Thus, by affirming the notion that incriminating “Epstein Files” exist, Democrats risk perpetuating the idea that both parties are toxically corrupt — a form of cynicism that Trump has long exploited to excuse his shameless graft and malfeasance.
Separately, Democrats have already spent much of the past decade trying to tar Trump’s image by spotlighting his scandals. Yet the minority of Americans who are open to supporting Trump — but not dead set on doing so — haven’t evinced much concern for his character. Generally, messaging that emphasizes how Trump’s policies would materially hurt ordinary Americans has tested better than attacks on the demagogue’s shady dealings or authoritarianism. Whatever one may say about the White House’s handling of the Epstein case, it does not seem likely to increase Americans’ cost of living. By focusing on Epstein, Democrats are thus arguably defraying attention from Trump’s true vulnerabilities — such as the tariffs that are raising prices for consumers or Medicaid cuts that will take health insurance from lower-income people.
But these worries are misguided. The Democrats’ decision to lean into the Epstein controversy is a political no-brainer for several reasons.
Trump’s relationship with Epstein – and handling of his case – is genuinely eyebrow raising
To a degree, the furor over Epstein is rooted in beliefs that are unproven, if not outright false. For instance, there is no public evidence that he kept a labeled list of fellow sexual abusers, much less that such a document is in the government’s possession.
But the Trump administration has genuine liabilities on this subject, which Democratic advocacy can direct public attention toward.
First, the incontrovertible facts about Trump’s relationship with Epstein are unflattering and eyebrow raising, even though they are not incriminating.
In the 1990s, Trump and Epstein were repeatedly photographed and video taped beside each other at social events. This by itself isn’t especially damning. There’s no reason to presume that everyone who ever associated with Epstein participated in his sex crimes. Criminals do not generally socialize exclusively with their co-conspirators.
But in 2017, Epstein told the journalist Michael Wolff that he had been Trump’s “closest friend for 10 years.” And in 2002, Trump told New York magazine, “I’ve known Jeff for 15 years. Terrific guy. He’s a lot of fun to be with. It is even said that he likes beautiful women as much as I do, and many of them are on the younger side. No doubt about it — Jeffrey enjoys his social life.”
What’s more, on Thursday night, the Wall Street Journal published the text of a letter that Trump sent to Epstein to celebrate the latter’s 50th birthday. In that missive, Trump wrote his signature below the following lines of imaginary dialogue, which were typewritten:
“Voice Over: There must be more to life than having everything,” the note began.
Donald: Yes, there is, but I won’t tell you what it is.
Jeffrey: Nor will I, since I also know what it is.
Donald: We have certain things in common, Jeffrey.
Jeffrey: Yes, we do, come to think of it.
Donald: Enigmas never age, have you noticed that?
Jeffrey: As a matter of fact, it was clear to me the last time I saw you.
Trump: A pal is a wonderful thing. Happy Birthday — and may every day be anothedr wonderful secret.
It’s as though the administration cannot anticipate the most obvious consequences of its own actions, or think a single step ahead.
It’s possible that Trump did not realize quite how young Epstein’s sexual targets were. And it’s also conceivable that the playful references to “age” and a “secret” in Trump’s letter reference something innocuous.
But at the very least, these are extraordinarily inconvenient things to have said about — and to — a man who allegedly trafficked 14-year-old girls.
To be clear, there is no evidence that Trump participated in Epstein’s abuse of children. But his longtime friendship with the rapist, avowed knowledge of Epstein’s taste for youth, and own record of alleged sexual misdeeds makes this a politically hazardous subject for Trump.
Making matters worse for him, his own claims about the Epstein controversy are wildly contradictory. In recent days, Trump has claimed that the government does possess secret files with explosive claims about Epstein, but that these documents were forged by Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton, former FBI Director James Comey, ex-CIA Director John Brennan, and “the Losers and Criminals of the Biden administration.”
He has also insisted that this whole controversy is dull and deserves no public attention, telling reporters, “I don’t understand why the Jeffrey Epstein case would be of interest to anybody. It’s pretty boring stuff. It’s sordid, but it’s boring.”
As The Atlantic’s Jonathan Chait notes, these two claims are a bit hard to square. On the one hand, Trump suggests that the FBI, CIA, State Department, and the Obama and Biden administrations all conspired to fabricate defamatory documents about an alleged child sex abuse conspiracy. On the other hand, he says that this is a really boring story that shouldn’t interest anybody. But an elaborate conspiracy involving the highest levels of the US government — and seemingly aimed at politically damaging Trump — seems like something that would quite naturally interest Americans in general, and Trump supporters in particular.
What’s more, even if we put Trump’s conspiracizing to one side, his claim that he doesn’t understand why the Epstein case interests people still seems disingenuous. After all Trump, accused former President Bill Clinton of visiting “the famous island with Jeffrey Epstein” in 2015, and spread allegations that Clinton was behind Epstein’s death four years later.
Trump subsequently demanded “a full investigation” into Epstein’s death and crimes, telling reporters, “You have to ask: Did Bill Clinton go to the island? That’s the question. If you find that out, you’re going to know a lot.”
It seems clear then that Trump knows perfectly well why the Epstein case interests people. The fact that he now feels compelled to claim otherwise, while begging his supporters to stop talking about the controversy, seems rather odd — and also, like an indication that Democrats would be wise to keep attention focused on this matter.
Meanwhile, it is clear that Bondi and FBI Director Kash Patel deceived the public about the Epstein case — either when they suggested that the government had been suppressing documents about his co-conspirators, or when they later insisted that such documents did not exist.
In 2023, Patel suggested that the Biden administration possessed Epstein’s “black book,” and insinuated that this document was not merely a catalog of the financier’s contacts, but rather, a list explicitly identifying various famous people as “pedophiles.” As noted above, Bondi told Fox News that an Epstein client list was sitting on her desk. Now, Patel and Bondi maintain that no such lists exist.
This leaves two possibilities: Either America’s two top law enforcement officers misled the public about the Epstein case in the past, or they are doing so today. Put more pointedly, Patel and Bondi either cynically promoted conspiracy theories about a Biden administration coverup, despite knowing they lacked evidence for their smears, or they suddenly decided to perpetrate such a coverup themselves. Neither interpretation recommends them for high office.
And both readings of their actions make the Trump White House look grossly incompetent. If the administration knew that it had no compelling information about Epstein to unveil — or else, that it possessed explosive information that it didn’t wish to make public — why did Bondi spend months hyping the release of the Epstein documents? It’s as though the administration cannot anticipate the most obvious consequences of its own actions, or think a single step ahead (a suspicion also raised by Trump’s trade strategy).
Cuts to Medicaid provider taxes are never going to get more clicks than conspiracy theories about elite child sex abuse rings
If the Democratic Party had the power to dictate which topics would trend on social media, then they would be well-advised to pick Trump’s Medicaid cuts or tariffs. But they do not have such power. Every Democratic official in the country could spend all day every day talking about Trump’s defunding of rural hospitals — posts and podcasts about Medicaid provider taxes still wouldn’t outperform content about whether Epstein was a CIA asset. Millions of Americans may vote once every four years on the basis of mundane economic policy concerns. But they are not typically going to entertain themselves by viewing TikToks about the “de minimis” exemption on a daily basis.
Democrats can and should foreground their party’s strongest policy arguments in paid media. With a TV or YouTube ad, you can force the public to think about the subject of your choice. But the range of topics that you can get people to post about for free is much narrower. And of all the stories that could plausibly drive weeks of public conversation, Trump purportedly suppressing information about Epstein — to the chagrin of his own allies — seems like one of the most favorable for Democrats.
There’s a major difference between this scandal and all Trump’s prior ones
It is true that Democratic agitation over Trump’s past scandals — his courting of illegal Russian assistance in 2016, alleged obstruction of justice in 2017, efforts to coerce the Ukrainian government into abetting his reelection in 2019, and attempt to foment an insurrection in 2021 — all failed to durably damage his political brand.
Generally speaking, when you have an opportunity to increase the salience of an issue that divides your opposition, it’s wise to do so.
But Trump’s base was behind him in all of those instances. Today, by contrast, major right-wing influencers are validating the Democratic Party’s narrative that a Republican White House is hiding something. And Trump’s attempts to shut down discussion of the Epstein case have gotten him “ratioed” on his own social media platform.
Generally speaking, when you have an opportunity to increase the salience of an issue that divides your opposition, it’s wise to do so.
This is especially true when that issue also pits your adversary against majority opinion. And in trying to persuade the broad electorate that the Trump administration is mishandling the Epstein case — possibly, for nefarious reasons — Democrats are pushing on an open door. A YouGov/Economist poll released this week found that nearly 80 percent of Americans want the government to “release all the documents it has about the Jeffrey Epstein case,” while more than two-thirds — including half of Republicans — say that the government is “covering up evidence it has about Epstein.”
Internal Democratic polling tells a similar story. A recent survey from Blue Rose Research found that 70 percent of the public — including 61 percent of Trump voters — believes that law enforcement is “withholding information about powerful people connected to Epstein.” And a majority of voters agreed with the statement, “authorities are keeping secret” a list of Epstein’s clients to “protect powerful people like Donald Trump.”
There’s a broader narrative here about Trump betraying his campaign promises, in service of the powerful
Finally, it isn’t that hard to weave the Epstein controversy into a broader story that touches on voters’ material concerns. And Democrats are already doing this.
In the party’s telling, Trump’s refusal to release documents related to the case reflects a core truth about his presidency: his fundamental commitment is to protecting the powerful, even if doing so requires breaking campaign promises. Hence, Trump’s willingness to slash Medicaid — after promising for years that he wouldn’t — so as to finance tax cuts for the rich.
As Pat Dennis, president of the Democratic super PAC American Bridge, told Politico, the Epstein controversy is “an interesting foot in the door to the overall case” that Trump “doesn’t have your back on Medicare, on health care, on veterans.”
Thus, the Epstein story is a clear boon for Democrats, who’ve been right to increase its salience.
Still, Democrats still have a lot of work to do
Even as the party savors Trump’s squirming, however, it should not lose sight of its own lackluster political standing.
As CNN’s Harry Enten noted this week, Democrats’ poll numbers are far worse today than at this point in the 2006 and 2018 midterm election cycles — years when the party enjoyed large congressional gains amid a Republican presidency. In the generic congressional ballot, Democrats lead Republicans by just 2 points today, compared to seven points in 2006 and 2018.
All else equal, the Epstein scandal is a helpful development for Democrats. But its impact so far is miniscule. The online right’s freakout notwithstanding, 90 percent of Republicans still approve of Trump in a recent Quinnipiac poll. By contrast, Democrats disapprove of their own congressional leadership by a 13-point margin.
Democrats can and should continue cultivating distrust in Trump. But to increase faith in their own party, they will need to do more than affirm voters’ conspiratorial suspicions about a long dead sex offender.