“My main motivation to be here in this square is my desire for justice,” Berkay says. The young man was taking part in a protest held last week in Bulgaria’s coastal city of Varna, against the arrest of the local mayor.
“My conscience and my sense of civic duty wouldn’t allow me just to stand here with my arms folded, in the face of the obvious trend towards authoritarianism in our country,” he told DW. Along with other protesters, Berkay didn’t want to give his full name.
The protests started after the July 8 arrest of Varna’s mayor Blagomir Kotsev, a member of the reformist We Continue the Change, or PP, political party. He was arrested during a raid by Bulgaria’s Commission for Anti-Corruption. Kotsev was accused of running a criminal group that extorted companies that received public contracts. Two municipal council members from Kotsev’s own party and a businessman from Varna were named as his accomplices in the alleged scheme.
Undermining Bulgaria’s democracy
The mayor’s arrest also sparked demonstrations in Bulgaria’s capital, Sofia, as well as in other places, and has become a symbol for the general public’s growing concern about how their current government is using the public prosecutor’s office as a weapon.
“Such measures represent a serious interference with democracy and undermine the credibility of the judiciary,” another demonstrator, Konstantin, says when DW meets him outside Varna’s city hall. “This is not an isolated incident, it’s part of a larger problem in the Bulgarian justice system,” he argues.
The fact that Bulgaria has some serious problems with its justice system is well known. In the latest report on the state of law in the country the European Commission — the body responsible for the day-to-day running of the European Union — notes that there have been barely any improvements. In fact, the EU report was issued on the same day as Varna’s mayor was arrested.
“Bulgarian democracy is in danger and all those who care about it must abandon their political party affiliations and oppose attempts to impose autocracy and authoritarianism in the country,” Bulgarian political scientist Daniel Smilov, also a specialist in comparative constitutional law, writes. “These terms may sound vague and exaggerated but unfortunately they accurately describe what is happening: Key institutions have been hijacked and power and violence have been used to advance the interests of particular political interests.”
Conservatives in power
For a long time, Varna’s political scene was dominated by the conservative, right-wing party, GERB, short for Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria. It is also the party of the country’s current prime minister Rosen Zhelyazko, as well as long-time Bulgarian leader Boyko Borissov, who previously served three terms as prime minister.
Borissov and his allies were regularly accused of corruption and there had already been major protests about this in 2020. Borissov is seen to be close to media tycoon and oligarch Delyan Peevski, who’s also the leader of a political party, New Beginning. The protesters believe that even though Peevski is currently officially in opposition, he wields too much power in Bulgarian politics.
In fact, Varna’s mayor Kotsev first became known on the political scene during those 2020 protests before he won in municipal elections in 2023.
The main accusations against Kotsev rely almost exclusively on statements by a Bulgarian businesswoman, Plamenka Dimitrova, the owner of a catering business that has often been contracted to state and public functions. Dimitrova is allegedly close to the GERB party and during Borissov’s time in office, her company was awarded contracts worth millions.
However the new leadership in Varna decided to work with another service provider, one which would do the job for less money. Dimitrova claims she was asked to hand over 15% of the value of the contract if she wished to keep it.
Another witness in the case against Kotsev is the city’s former deputy mayor, Dian Ivanov. At first Ivanov seemed to confirm Dimitrova’s story but then later he withdrew his comments and said they had been “untruths” made “under pressure” from the anti-corruption commission. Despite this, Ivanov was not questioned again and his later-withdrawn statements led to the July 18 court decision to arrest Kotsev and the others.
Weaponizing the judiciary
According to Kotsev’s party, PP, and their political allies in Democratic Bulgaria, or DB, another pro-European party, the case against Kotsev is part of a wider campaign against opposition parties like his, that is being led by the country’s prosecutor general Borislav Sarafov. He is not independent, they claim, and he serves to protect the conservative movements’ political interests.
At the end of last month, another PP member, the deputy mayor of Sofia Nikola Barbutov, was also arrested on very similar charges: corruption and membership of an organized crime group.
GERB’s friends in high places
Up until now, there’s been very little reaction from the European Commission regarding what’s happening in Bulgaria.
European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen is a member of the conservative German party, the Christian Democratic Union, or CDU, and the CDU is a member of the same European parliament alliance as Bulgaria’s GERB. Many of the demonstrators in Bulgaria argue that is why von der Leyen is staying quiet about what they see as GERB’s wrongdoing.
“Ursula, do you still support GERB?” is a slogan seen on many of the placards at the demonstrations in Bulgaria.
“I hope the EU stops unreservedly giving money to these villains,” says Philip, a protester in Sofia. “Boyko’s regime is nothing without the money from Europe. Peevski’s regime is nothing without the money from Europe.”
Back in Varna, local demonstrator Berkay predicts a long fight ahead. “I believe we must finally fight these evil models and those who embody them,” he said. “One day, when we become parents, we don’t want to be ashamed of the situation we’re leaving to our children.”
This article was originally written in German.
