Nazi uniforms and black fighting gear bearing Russian flags, the letter Z, SS symbols and swastikas — the dress code for hundreds of neo-Nazis marching at the Buda Castle in the heart of Budapest this February was militant. The castle, the site of annual neo-Nazi commemorations, is not far from the office of Prime Minister Viktor Orban.
It’s illegal to demonstrate or protest in uniform in Hungary, as well as to wear such totalitarian symbols in public. But Orban’s government allows neo-Nazis and devotees of Russian President Vladimir Putin to march with impunity every year.
By contrast, the government’s approach to dealing with what it calls “LGBTQ propaganda” is drastically different. In June 2023, a Budapest bookstore was fined €32,000 ($35,000) for displaying a comic about two gay boys on a shelf where minors could see it. Such displays of “LGBTQ propaganda” are forbidden in public.
Orban promises ‘Easter cleaning’ to crack down on opponents
Now, Orban’s governing majority has cited child protection as its reason for banning Pride parades, annual events in which queer people and their allies march for tolerance and diversity. Changes to the constitution were swiftly rubber-stamped in parliament on March 18, and the legislation was signed into law just hours later by President Tamas Sulyok.
The new law means no public events can take place that feature the display of queer symbols, like rainbows, present sexuality “as an end in itself” or in which participants dress in ways “that diverge from the gender they were assigned at birth.” Violations are subject to fines of up to €550 ($595), slightly less than Hungary’s monthly minimum wage.
Budapest’s liberal mayor, Gergely Karacsony, has criticized the new law and said he hoped this year’s Pride parade would be “bigger than ever.” Organizers have said they are still planning to go ahead with the event on June 28, despite the ban.
The parade ban is just the latest episode in Orban’s ongoing offensive against supposed or real critics and enemies. The prime minister has been talking up a major effort to clean out the “bugs” since the beginning of the year, most recently in a March 15 speech marking the national holiday commemorating Hungary’s 1848 revolution against Habsburg rule.
“After today’s festive gathering comes the Easter cleaning. The bugs have overwintered,” said Orban, speaking to supporter. “We will dismantle the financial machine that has used corrupt dollars to buy politicians, judges, journalists, pseudo-NGOs and political activists. We will eliminate the entire shadow army.”
Critics calls out ‘rising fascism,’ ‘rapid Putinization’
Over the past few weeks, Orban has unleashed a government campaign against supposedly corrupt recipients of USAID finances, with a rhetorical sharpness of tone like never before.
Hungary’s Sovereignty Protection Office, one of Orban’s propaganda shops, has also claimed — untruthfully — that the popular independent news portal Telex is largely financed with foreign funds, such as from USAID, to push foreign interests — and that ultimately Telex is a treasonous outfit.
Still, to be defamed as “bugs” shocked even the most hard-boiled opposition politicians and independent journalists, people who know what it’s like to be harassed by Orban. In the days since his conspiracy theory-laden speech, many have spoken of “dehumanization” of critics, “rising fascism” and what they call a “rapid Putinization” of Hungary. Similar restrictions against LGBTQ+ rights have been introduced in Russia in recent years.
The March 15 speech was the first time Orban had used such “pest control” rhetoric, which was equally reminiscent of both Nazi and Stalinist rhetoric from the 1930s. Gabor Torok, a prominent Hungarian political scientist known for giving rather reserved analyses, characterized the prime minister’s comments as “crossing a line” — one that may well come back to hurt him and his party.
Hungarians increasingly unhappy with Orban
The fact is, Orban’s latest comments are just as much a diversion as an expression of his fear of losing power. Dissatisfaction with the prime minister and his party has been growing for some time, with signs pointing toward a change of government in the spring 2026 parliamentary election.
Although Hungary’s economy is not in crisis, it has been stuck in a rut for quite some time. Inflation is high and that is hitting average citizens. Corrective government measures, such as price caps, haven’t taken hold or haven’t benefited those who need help most.
The repercussions of US President Donald Trump’s trade war could also be devastating for Hungary, due to its dependence on the German car industry. Moreover, Hungary’s education and health care systems, as well as the country’s public infrastructure, are all in a sad state. But instead of investing there, Orban — a soccer fanatic — is pouring public funds into building gigantic stadiums and sports training facilities.
Orban’s Hungary: Corruption and nepotism
The widespread corruption of the Orban system is also becoming increasingly evident, along with the degree to which his family, friends, colleagues and allies are profiting from nepotism and self-dealing.
Investigative journalists from the Hungarian online portal Direkt36 recently released a film tracking the dizzying ascent of the Orban family as it moved from impoverished beginnings to becoming a billionaire dynasty, a trajectory that mirrors Orban’s own political ascent. Some 3.5 million people have seen the film so far; Hungary has a population of 9.5 million.
And just this week, Direkt36 published another report on corruption and embezzlement — this time at the Hungarian National Bank. The report alleges that former governor Gyorgy Matolcsy, whose second six-year term ended this month, used bank funds and an opaquely constructed foundation scheme to give his family, and above all his son, the means to live lives of absolute luxury. The State Auditing Office has opened an investigation into the matter.
The increasing popularity of opposition politician Peter Magyar has made voter dissatisfaction with Orban all the more visible. A former member of Orban’s right-wing populist Fidesz party, which has governed Hungary since 2010, Magyar was a complete unknown until just a few years ago.
But since leaving Fidesz to found his own Tisza (Respect & Freedom) party in early 2024, Magyar has surged in opinion polls. Tisza is now running far ahead of Orban’s Fidesz, with Magyar also taking the top spot as the country’s most popular politician.
How far will Orban go?
If there is a change in power, Orban and his circle of oligarchs and power brokers face expropriations, lawsuits and potentially prison. Looked at from this perspective, it’s no wonder that Orban has recently escalated his rhetoric.
In April, parliament is slated to vote on a constitutional amendment aimed at “temporarily stripping” dual nationals deemed as security threats of their Hungarian citizenship. The aim is not just to silence their voices inside Hungary, but also to maximize societal polarization before the 2026 election.
So far, despite talk of “liquidating the bugs,” Orban’s opponents have yet to be physically terrorized. At the moment, Magyar is “only” the daily preoccupation of the propaganda machine.
Earlier this week, Magyar let it be known that he is being followed 24/7. He captioned a Facebook photo of himself and his new girlfriend with the words: “Dear propagandists, you don’t have to freeze all night behind parked cars and bother the neighbors. Yes, she + I = we,” with two hands forming a heart behind it.
This article was originally written in German and translated by Jon Shelton.
