Qatari funding of the terrorist organization Hamas – and also the Israeli government and its partners – has been a consistent rumor.
Indeed, a large portion of the criticism of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu when it comes to the current war is a consistent claim among his detractors is that he “allowed” this war to come about by permitting the transferring of Qatari funds, better known in Israel as “briefcases of money,” through Israel.
Now, the story we know as Qatargate has been blown wide open, and what was once a small point of contention is now one of the biggest stories of potential governmental corruption in the modern State of Israel.
Last July, the Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI) released documents that alleged that, twice in 12 years, funds were ordered to be transferred from Doha to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. A Likud spokesperson fervently denied these reports.
Then, at the beginning of this year, a series of media reports emerged in Israel, alleging commercial ties between members of Netanyahu’s media team and Qatari state actors, including prominent Prime Minister’s Office media team member Eli Feldstein, who was already under house arrest for leaking classified documents to the German newspaper Bild.
Feldstein was allegedly hired by an international company funded by Qatar to promote the country’s image in Israel based on its role in hostage negotiations.
Likud Party spokespersons Yonatan Urich and Srulik Einhorn had also allegedly provided public-relations services to Qatar ahead of the 2022 World Cup, Haaretz reported in November.
Investigation opened by Shin Bet
In mid-February, the Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency) said it had opened an investigation, following suspicions of ties between senior officials in the Prime Minister’s Office and Qatar.
Then, at the end of last month, Attorney-General Gali Baharav-Miara ordered the Israel Police and the Shin Bet to launch an investigation into officials within Netanyahu’s office over their alleged ties to Qatar. The investigation is also looking into such connections within other governmental ministries.
Less than two weeks after that, the Rishon Lezion Magistrate’s Court, at the request of the Israel Police’s Unit of International Crime Investigations, issued a gag order on all information regarding the investigation, allegedly out of concern over leaks that could lead to the investigation’s “obstruction.”
The gag order was widely criticized as being politically motivated to protect the members of Netanyahu’s inner circle.
Then, this past Sunday, when Netanyahu announced that he was firing Shin Bet Director Ronen Bar, the latter said he would resign early, but only after, among other tasks, he has completed this investigation, now colloquially referred to as “Qatargate.”
If Netanyahu were to attempt to appeal this response through the High Court of Justice, the concern is that he would not have the support of Baharav-Miara, because she had instructed that the investigation be launched in the first place.
Then, earlier this week, it was announced that Lahav 433, the National Crime Unit, had arrested two suspects. They were released Thursday morning under unknown conditions.
The announcement came right after Israeli businessman Gil Birger admitted in recordings published by KAN Reshet Bet that he had transferred funds from a Qatari lobbyist to Feldstein. This was at the request of Jay K. Footlik, a US-based Qatari lobbyist who unsuccessfully ran for US Congress in Chicago and served as special assistant to former US president Bill Clinton in the White House, helping build support for a range of domestic and foreign-policy issues, he said.
Birger’s attorneys denied that the money had come from Qatar. Those funds had come from the Prime Minister’s Office, they said.
Netanyahu has been a voice of fervent denial surrounding the investigation, calling it a “fake scandal campaign” and a “desperate attempt to invent a baseless justification for an offense that does not exist.”
Indeed, the extent of this investigation, so far, does feel like a broad conspiracy, echoing the expansive nature of inquiry in Hollywood.
Nevertheless, the investigation must run its course. Regardless of whether one supports the government, the need to maintain a “clean” investigation is undeniable.
While the country feels as though it is on the brink of civil war, an investigation such as this would give the public good reason to trust leadership. After all, if no wrongdoing occurred, why oppose confirming that to the public?
Netanyahu’s fervent opposition, as a result, only draws ire and suspicion.
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