The United States and China are engaged in what is likely the defining contest of the century over artificial intelligence and who controls the most advanced technology. At its core, it is a struggle over which nation’s values and vision will shape the world’s future.
It is crucial that the United States, not China, emerges as the leading global power. American leadership has helped build a system based on democracy, transparency, the rule of law and respect for individual rights.
While not perfect, it has brought decades of peace, prosperity and expanding freedom. It has enabled open markets, international cooperation and free expression to flourish.
China, ruled by the Communist Party, presents a very different model. It is authoritarian and tightly controlled by the state, with little tolerance for dissent or independent institutions.
Beijing applies economic and political pressure to advance its agenda both at home and abroad. If China gains influence over global institutions and norms, the world could move away from openness and toward centralized control.
This is not a distant or abstract threat. China already uses its growing power to silence critics far beyond its borders. It pressures corporations and governments to avoid challenging its policies. It censors Chinese-language media abroad and targets journalists, scholars and members of the Chinese diaspora.
Inside China, the government monitors citizens, marginalizes ethnic minorities, and suppresses political opposition, especially in regions such as Xinjiang and Tibet.
China is actively exporting this model. Through the Belt and Road Initiative, it offers infrastructure and technology to developing countries, often with conditions that create dependency and allow Beijing to exert political leverage. Many of these nations become reluctant to criticize China on human rights or issues related to Taiwan.
At the same time, China has expanded its influence in global institutions, redirecting conversations away from universal rights and toward a focus on state sovereignty and control. This shift weakens international support for democracy and civil society.
In the Asia-Pacific, China’s growing assertiveness is impossible to ignore. Its military expansion in the South China Sea, aggressive posturing around Taiwan and increasing pressure on regional neighbors threaten stability. These actions challenge principles such as peaceful conflict resolution and freedom of navigation.
The United States must respond with clarity and resolve. This response must go beyond military readiness. It must include leadership in technology, innovation and the global standards that will define the next century.
The US must continue investing in research and development and safeguard critical technologies from misuse by authoritarian regimes.
For years, American policy assumed that closer economic ties would encourage China to liberalize politically. That assumption has not held. Under Xi Jinping, China has become more centralized, more ideological and more resistant to outside influence. The United States can no longer wait for change to come from within. It must engage in active and sustained competition.
Fortunately, the US still holds significant advantages. Its universities are among the best in the world and continue to train global talent. The private sector leads in vital technologies such as artificial intelligence, biotechnology, quantum computing and clean energy.
Government and industry collaboration, including through organizations like DARPA, has led to major technological breakthroughs. A robust venture capital system supports rapid innovation and commercialization.
The CHIPS and Science Act is a step in the right direction. It aims to restore domestic semiconductor manufacturing and reduce reliance on foreign sources. But more is needed.
The United States must expand investment in advanced sectors such as aerospace, robotics and secure communications. Immigration policy is also essential. Attracting and retaining the world’s brightest scientists, engineers, and entrepreneurs has long been a key American strength and must be preserved.
China is not merely trying to catch up. It is working aggressively to leap ahead. Through state subsidies, targeted industrial policies, and illegal practices such as cyber espionage and intellectual property theft, China is closing the gap rapidly.
If it overtakes the United States in key technologies, the world could fracture into competing spheres with different rules and competing standards. Countries could be forced to align with one model or the other.
This type of global division would carry serious risks. International rules on cybersecurity, data privacy and artificial intelligence could splinter. Global supply chains could become more fragile.
Institutions like the World Trade Organization and the United Nations would struggle to function and for relevance. Misunderstandings and mistrust could lead to conflict, and progress on global challenges like climate change and pandemic response could stall.
The United States cannot afford to step back and hope the system it built will survive without active leadership. Liberal democracy, freedom of expression, and human rights are under increasing pressure from rising authoritarianism and disruptive technologies. America must shape the future instead of reacting to it.
This contest is not about power for power’s own sake. It is about securing a global order that remains open, cooperative and respectful of human dignity. If the United States does not lead, China will fill the vacuum, and the global system that has ensured prosperity and stability for over 70 years could erode or collapse.
The stakes are enormous. The challenge is urgent. But the outcome is still within America’s reach and control.
Dr Derek Levine is a professor at Monroe University and the author of “The Dragon Takes Flight: China’s Aviation Policy, Achievements and Implications for the United States and Europe.” His forthcoming book, “China’s Path to Dominance: Preparing for Confrontation with the US” is scheduled for release in summer 2025.
He has lived, studied and worked extensively in China, and his work has appeared in academic publications such as the Journal of Contemporary China and the American Journal of China Studies. He also contributes insights to media outlets including The Wall Street Journal, Financial Times, BBC, The Guardian and MSNBC.
